Adolescent Development: Theory and Research
From Infinite Earths
Failures and Hopes in Identity
Abstract
Whether failed by their schooling, their peers or their family, or by something innate, adolescents whose development falls beneath typical expectations still possess promising or redeeming qualities in their favor. Even when intervention in such an adolescent's life is the necessary course of action, it is important to identify those aspects to direct such intervention.
Roehl Sybing New York University Adolescent Development: Theory and Research Dr. Niobe Way December 18, 2006 Lynn: Shortcomings and Promise For purposes of privacy, the name Lynn is given to the adolescent boy who is the subject of this writing. The name was chosen because, just like his real name, it is suitable for both males and females. In adolescence, it can also be the subject of ridicule among peers, just as his real name could be. Under these and other pressures, children either own up to them, tolerate them or withdraw from them. Lynn is somewhere in the middle. During his interview for a three-year research project on adolescent development, Lynn is largely indifferent to the various subjects of identity relating to race/ethnicity, civic-mindedness, schooling and adolescence itself. When asked to give a description of the “typical sixth grade boy,” much like him, he initially responds by saying, “I don't know.” (Appendix A, lines 1126-1127) Further elaboration is possible, but only when pressed. The information that is volunteered, however, points to rather unencouraging signs that recommend intervention on some, if not several, fronts. Despite this, there are moments in his narrative that offer hope for positive development, if referenced against prevailing theories. By identifying all that is negative and focusing on what remains, it is possible to see what is encouraging about Lynn; identifying those traits can be evidence enough to not dismiss Lynn as a lost cause. Methods The data on which this writing is based is part of a larger set of interviews of parents and their children, who are junior high school students in urban school settings. Adolescents are asked questions relating to their daily routine, their friends and family, their performance in school, self-descriptions of their identity and their outlook of their future. Beyond that, they are further pressed to provide a context and background (their descriptions of their schools, for example) behind the content of their answers. Data interpretation is ongoing, as interviews continue to be transcribed and analyzed. Failings as Backdrop On the surface, Lynn, a first-generation Chinese-American living in Chinatown, fits the Asian-American stereotype of being quiet and reserved. He does not, however, fit the expectations of being a model minority. When asked about his school, the first things he says to describe it are “large” (line 182) and “confusing to go around.” (line 184) Lynn requires a planner in order to keep things organized, or else things get lost in the shuffle. This, in addition to his “low grades,” defined as “[s]eventy...[s]eventy-five, sixty-five,” (line 363) is an example of potential lost and achievement not attained, if measured against stereotypes. In addition to this, he falls outside of empirical research on low-achieving minority students who still “work...hard in school” (Lee, 1994) despite not matching up to high achievers. When describing himself, the word “lazy” comes to mind (line 979). Furthermore, unlike in Lee's findings, Lynn acknowledges very little about what it would mean to be Chinese, let alone be aware of such a model-minority stereotype. He talks about a group of boys, all Chinese and in the same class as him, who hang out together and and sometimes skip school because they think of it as “boring;” academically, they are “in the middle.” (lines 882-910) His only other frame of reference in terms of academic performance lies in the “typical sixth grade boy,” who has perfect grades (lines 1126-1132). Ironically, the stereotype threat should not threaten to depress test scores or academic performance if one's ethnicity is considered “model.” (Steele and Aronson, 1995) Yet, when outlining disparities between him and the “typical sixth grade boy,” and in seeing other Chinese boys perform “in the middle,” Lynn is placed in the position of having only mediocre expectations set for him, making average results in school all the more distressing. Where Lee identifies guilt and responsibility towards family as a motivator for Asian-identified students, it is difficult to gauge whether or not Lynn feels any such guilt or responsibility. From this interview alone, one has to question if that responsibility is positively reinforced by Lynn's parents; Lynn himself recalls that his mother, during parent-teacher conferences, says out loud to him and to his teacher that he is, in fact, lazy (lines 539-543). Similar to what Lee found when researching those adolescents who identified themselves as Asian (and not Asian-American), Lynn does face a language barrier between his parents' Cantonese and the English by which he is surrounded in school. However, while other Asian adolescents feel discouraged in asking teachers or mentors for help in English, Lynn finds that it's difficult to speak to his parents in a mixed speech of both Chinese and English, the former of which he is less familiar (lines 1409-1410). The difficulties of communicating, as Lee suggest, make all the other difficulties that Lynn faces self-perpetuating. At the very least, he is aware that he is lazy, even if that notion is reinforced by his peers, his mentors and his family. Many other details remain to be volunteered by Lynn. A search of the interview via Adobe Acrobat results in 110 matches of the phrase “I don't know,” each and every instance said by Lynn. While he is aware of his importance of belonging in and attachment to the family unit – two of six dimensions of identity defined by Ashmore, Deaux and McLaughlin-Volpe (Downey, Eccles, Chatman et al., 2005) – he is unable to provide details relating to those criteria. “I don't know” is a response to asking for elaboration as to his relationship with his mother (line 1226). “I don't know” is a response in defining the bad parts of being the older brother to his sibling (line 1328), or, at first glance, the good parts of the relationship with his mother (line 1209). Confusion, or at minimum the lack of acknowledgement, about the place in one's family has to certainly dampen the full potential for development. Elsewhere in school, Lynn faces other pressures in terms of peer relationships. Intuitively and as identified in research, relationships with peers are essential for adolescents, especially so for Chinese adolescents (Chen et al., 2004). Identifying friends within cultural bounds alone is difficult enough. Despite his parents' encouragement that he become friends with other Asians because they are “not mean,” there is one Chinese boy in Lynn's class that punches him (line 867); Chen's conclusions interpret that such rejection could lead to “developing emotional problems.” Lynn is unable to identify anyone that he would consider a best friend; the one person that comes closest is a friend only in that he, also an Asian-American student, and Lynn play RuneScape, an online multiplayer game. They don't associate outside of class, and most likely only meet while playing online. Almost exclusively, they talk and argue about RuneScape; nothing else enters the conversation. If there was something that Lynn wouldn't talk about with his friend, it is “[e]verything else that's going on in my life,” for fear that his friend wouldn't care (lines 762-765). Beyond this, one may identify this friendship as a harmful relationship. When asked about the bad parts of this relationship, Lynn says that his friend talks about “hack[ing]” him or other RuneScape players by changing their passwords or taking their online items strictly out of revenge (lines 699-712). More issues are raised when talking about Lynn's family. The “good parts of your relationship with your mom” are restricted to the superficial – she buys things for him, and he wishes that she buys better stuff – while “the good things with your relationship with your father” are “nothing” at all (lines 1207-1262). His mother fights about him not doing his homework, while his father fights about him playing the computer too much. In some respects, we would see a typical dysfunctional family, with or without the Chinese context. Where we would hope that the Chinese need for collectivism and harmony reinforces the concept of the family unit, Lynn and his parents are no less invulnerable to family conflict and adolescent desire for autonomy than families of non-Chinese descent (Fuligni, 1998, and Yau and Smetana, 1996). We find some comfort in that, even though cultural boundaries do not largely reinforce family cohesion, lack of cohesion is a somewhat naturally occuring tendency between adolescents and parents. Furthermore, it is, by itself, acceptable and tolerable, especially because Lynn is aware of such a lack of cohesion. Aware of the expectations set by his family at home and his mentors in school, his defiance in staying at the computer and not doing his homework is no less troubling than before, but it does reflect the noncompliance that many other adolescents knowingly exercise (Malcolm's profile; Way, 1998). On a societal level, however, there is reason for concern that some part of adolescent development, whether in the family unit or in the schooling structure, is flawed at its foundation. For Lynn himself, all of this brings up a more chilling diagnosis that most adolescents risk when seeking autonomy, or naturally experiencing some degree of estrangement. On a number of levels, but especially within the family unit, Lynn, while not necessarily breaking away from his family at this time in his development, is faced with the possibility of magnifying any such conflict to the point where “neurotic or psychotic tendencies” are developed (Erikson, 1968). Moreover, those “I don't know”'s that are found all throughout the interview, combined with the notion of a lack of close friends, indicates the lack of voice that hinders adolescent development (Brown and Gilligan, 1992). Concern should be expressed when an adolescent's relationships with others is ambiguous (i.e. Lynn's relationship to family) or non-existent (i.e. Lynn's lack of defining a best friend or close friends other than his RuneScape partner). Hope as Foreground A bleak picture remains, yet the positives can be identified in the hopes of focusing development towards better prospects. While intervention is likely necessary, it is important to pursue a proactive role, and not a reactive one, in redefining an adolescent's course of development. What is more profound is that it is possible to examine all that has been identified as distressing shortcomings and find positive and redeeming aspects on which it is worth focusing. For starters, his education is in good shape in certain areas. Subject-specifically, he enjoys good grades in mathematics (lines 379-380). Though he acknowledges being bored in other subjects (i.e. English, line 242), and that he is lazy, some of his actions suggest otherwise; homework is sometimes done during school (line 443), and he participates in after-school programs for homework help (line 494). Unlike Asian-identified adolescents in Lee's research, Lynn has no English language barrier to overcome, and thus isn't discouraged from asking for help from English-speaking mentors. Some of the “I don't know”'s that Lynn expresses in his interview can perhaps be a blessing, if ignorance is indeed bliss. Lee notes in her conclusions that “Asian American-identified students saw school success as a necessary part of resisting racism.” From this, we can imply that these students perceive something that is unfair and against which they should rebel. To Lynn's credit, he perceives no such racism; when asked several times to recall a moment where he was “treated unfairly,” Lynn was unable to provide an answer (lines 1157-1171). Regardless of whether or not actual racism exists in this particular schooling environment, and whether or not Lynn properly perceives that reality, that he doesn't perceive unfairness means one less developmental obstacle for Lynn to overcome. Whether or not Lynn's friendship with the one other boy in school who also plays RuneScape is genuine or societally beneficial, we must at least acknowledge that the “need for interpersonal intimacy” is, in part, satisfied; Lynn has, in fact, found a “playmate...rather like oneself.” (Sullivan, 1953) At the core, playing and talking about RuneScape, even sometimes in a troubling light (i.e. the friend talking about hacking other players' accounts), “permits validation of all components of personal worth.” Indeed, Sullivan notes this sort of chumship with “malevolent people” as a natural tendency among adolescents. Even without this friendship, and in the face of all that Lynn professes not to know, it is essential to identify those fundamental things that he does know. It is important to have friends, says Lynn. Without them, it would be “[h]arder to do things.” (line 773) And while they are not close friends as defined by Lynn, two boys named Ricky and Jack are part of his life. Elaboration is also scant, save for the fact that Jack has been over to his house (lines 776-779), but mere acknowledgement of these two boys as friends is enough to partially meet the fundamental requirement of Sullivan's “chumship.”
Conclusions It was not the aim of this writing to assess blame towards Lynn or any other figure in this adolescent's life for the shortcomings of his development. Furthermore, any paper that suggests hopelessness has no value to justify its writing in the first place. Aesthetically, all the negatives that Lynn has to offer are presented to give all the positives presented thereafter greater meaning. References
Erikson, E., (1968). Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York City: Norton.
Brown, L. M. and Gilligan, C. (1992). Meeting at the Crossroads: Women’s Psychology and Girls’ Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Downey, G., Eccles, J., and Chatman, C. (2005). Navigating the future: Social Identity, Coping, and, Life Tasks. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Fuligni, A. (1998). Authority, Autonomy, and Parent-Adolescent Conflict and Cohesion: A study of adolescents from Mexican, Chinese, Filipino, and European Backgrounds. Developmental Psychology, 34(4).
Yau, J. and Smetana, J. (1996). Adolescent-parent conflict among Chinese Adolescents in Hong Kong. Child Development, 67(3).
Way, N. (1998). Everyday Courage: The Lives and Stories of Urban Adolescents. New York: NYU Press.
Chen, X., Kaspar, V., Zhang, Y., Wang, L., and Zheng, S. (2004), Peer Relationships among Chinese Boys: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. In Way, N., and Chu, J., Adolescent Boys: Exploring Diverse Cultures of Boyhood (pp. 197-218). New York: NYU Press.
Sullivan, H.S. (1953). The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry. London: Routledge.
Steele, C. & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(5), 797-811.
Lee, S. (1994). Behind the model-minority stereotype: Voices of high-and low-achieving Asian American students. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 25(4), 413-429.
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